HISTORY OF FUNAN AND CAMBODIA

In the beginning of the first century A.D. a Hindu community existed in Funan. The oldest Hindu kingdom established in the lower valley of the Mekong, the area now included in the Indo-China peninsula was known as the funan with its capital at Vyadhapura, probably near Ba Phnom. According to the tradition recorded in inscriptions, it was founded in the 1st century B.C. by a Brahamana and Kaundinya from India who defeated and married the Naga prnices soma of that place. The second Kaundinya - again a Brahmana from India was elected king by the people, thus marking the next stage of Indian colonisation, Hinduism too deep root in that country, and the rulers bore Indian names and followed Indian religion. The brahminical hierarchy was a notable feature in the social order.
Chinese records mentions the year as 191 A.D. when Kaundinya, a Brahmin, "planted his javelin and married a local naked princes". This was confirmed by the inscriptions relating to King Srimara of the third century A.D. History of Thais also confirms this evidence.
One of the kings, Ashvanarman performed otrthodox Aryan sacrifices. For certain, another Kaundinya who ruled over Funan in the fourth century A.D. appears to have reorganized the state and society. The successor of Kaundinya II, Gu navarman, built temples in honour of Vishnu. In the fifth century A.D. there was a war between funan and the newly emerging champa. At this time Jayavarma of Funan sent an emissary to China seeking its help.
This kingdom established by Kaundinya flourished for a few centuries. Chinese annals refer to some of the vasslas of Funan in the seventh century A.D.
Funan lost its importance and was merged in the famous kingdom of Kambuja (Cambodia) named after Kambu-Svayambhuva. By abo to the 6th century A.D, King Bhavavarman founded a new royal family. Consolidating his hold over kingdom of Kambuja and Funan. His successors ruled for a very long time. The later story is that of the empire of Kambuja extending over a period of more than five centuries.
Three important kingdosm existed at the opening of the sixth century - Kambuja (Cambodia), Champa (Thailand) and Srivijaya, a great maritime empire which included the Malaya peninsula and Simatra.
KAMBUJA:Kambuja began as a vassal state of Funan but by the middle of the sixth century ir became an independent State of Funan. The founder was Stiravarman. The early inscriptions are in classical Sanskrit, Full of references to ancient India. The kings were Hindus, mainly Saivite. More interesting is the fact that the prasati of Bhavaarman was written in the Kavya style closely imitating the Rabhuvansa of Kalidasa.
Buddhism appeared ni Kambuja by the middle of the seventh century, and two religions, Hinduism and Buddhism, co-existed as in India.
From the homeland it was the Pallava influence that dominated. It was the Pallava doctrine of Saivism that the official cult of Kambuja also. Kambuja's architecture bears the influence of the Pallava tradition.
CHAMPA:Champa or Thailand was also an anceitn kingdom. It too broke away from Funan. Chmapa covered Vietna, Laos and Cambodia at one time.
Founded by the turn of the first century A.d. with its capital at Indrapura, Its nucleus was modern Thailand. Probably might have been the first historical king, if not the founder of the Hindu dynasty. The first known-important king was Rudravarman. One king Indravarman III mastered the six systems of Hindu Philosophy, the Buddhist philosophy system, the grammer of Panini, and the sacred texts of the saivitis. The Vedas and the Dramasastras were studied and one king Sri Jaya Idnravarma VII had mastery of the Dharmasastras. Even the Ramayana and the Mahabharata were videly known. The architecture of Champa was of the southern type. Champa disappeared in the 14th century from History after many centuries of fight with the kingdom of Annam which was the advanced post of Chiense culture.
SAILENDRAS:Probably, the sailendras were merged with the Srivijaya kingdom of Sumatra in the fourth century A.D. By the end of the eighth century, the empire spread to Malaya peninsula, One of the kings sent an expedition to Java. I-Tsing visited one king, Sri Jayanasa. Inscriptions talek of Sailendra rule over Sumatra, java and the Malay peninsula by theend of the thirteenth century A.D. As a naval power the Sailendras continued till the 12th century.
The third kingdom of Srivijaya had the glory of guarding the sea routes. The kingdom was first established in Sumatra. Soon the king conquered the other island groups and established their hegemony over the Malaca straits by the beginning of the seventh century. In the eighth century they extended their power to the Malay peninsula. "Thus withone foot on the continent and the other on the great island of Sumatra they bestrode the straits and retained the mastery of both seas for over 500 years."
It was this authority of Srivijaya kingdom that was challenged by the Chols in the eleventh century. It was Rajendra Chola who began the 100 years war with the Sailendras. At the end of the war the Sailednras remained masters of the sea. Thus for full 700 years they did had held sovereignty over the seas surrounding the islands and upheld Indian culture in the archipelago.
They maintained friendly relations with the Palas of Bengal. Balaputradeva of the Sailendras built a monastery at Nalanda. Another ruler built a monastery at Nagapatnam.
The Sailendras were Mahayana Buddhist. Sumatra and Java attracted foreign scholars. Atisadipankara of the Vikramsila university styed for ten years in Sumatra. Their greatest stupa is the Buddha temple at Baraboudour largest in the world - 2000 relief scultupres on the life of the Buddha - built in the from of terraces - the top-most terrace crowned with a bell-shaped stupa.
Arab travelers by compliments to the wealth and grandeur of the empire in the 8th century. But Camobida as Java broke away in the 9th century.
SOCIAL LIFE:The Indian, immigrants in South-East Asia, while setting up their kingdoms, tried to build a social structure on the orthodox Indian model with the traditional four castes (caturvarna) and the supremacy of the brahmins and the ksatriyas. The distinction between brahmins and the Kastriyas was more apparent than real. Intermarriage between the two was not unknown. But the caste system in these regioins was not as rigid as in India. The aristocracy and the common people had a sharp line of distinction, specially noticed in their dress, which was scanty in the case of ordinary people but gorgeous and ornamented for the aristocrats. Caste did not interfere in the Choice of the avocation. A Kambuja record refers to the members of a Brahmin family being elephant drivers. Artisans and priests.
The Indian dhoti wsa very commonly used. It is mentioned by Chinese historians. A sculpture at Bayon depicts the king dressed in dhoti with a hara - jeweled gold garland - round his neck. The history of the Sui Dynasti mentions that the kings was dressed in purple silk clothes which were embroidered. Inscriptios and sculptures bring out the use of Indian ornaments.
The food habit of the people was the same, tandula (rice) was the staple food with pulses like tila and mudga. Likewise gharta, dadhi and guda (ghee, curd anomolasses) are mentioned in inscription s.
ART: It is astonishing that the greatest Buddhist temple is found not in India but in Baraboudur in Indonasia. Considered to be the largest Buddhist temple in the whoel world, It was constructed in the eighth century A.D. and 436 images of Buddha were engraved onit. The temple of Angkorvat in Kampuchea to medieval times of Baraboudur. Although this temple belongs to medieval times in can be compared to the best artistic achievements of the Egyptians and Greeks. The stories of the Ramayana and Mahabharata are written in relief on the walls of the temple. The story of the Ramayana is so popular in Indonasia that many folk plays are performed on its basis. The Indonesian language called BHASHA INDONESIA contains numerous Sanskrit words. In respect of sculptures the head of the Buddha from Thailand, the head from Kambuja and the Magnificent bronze images from Java are regarded as the best examples of the blending of Indian art with local art traditions of South-East Asia. Similarly beautifull examples of painting comparable to those of Ajanta have been found not only in Sri Lanka but in the Tun Huang Caves on the Chinese border.
It was a two-way traffic. Indians acquired the craft of minting gold coins from the greeks and Romans. They larnt theart of growing silk from Cinha. That of growing betel leaves from Indonasia, and several other products from the neighbouring countries. Similarly the method of growing cotton spread from India to China and central Asia. However, Indian contribution seems to be more important in art, religion and language.

A Short History of Cambodia

The intention of this short history of Cambodia is to help those who are unfamiliar with Cambodia, to understand its history of civil unrest and the power struggle to control Cambodia which has resulted in much political instability. The conflict has cost millions of lives, and has left Cambodian people living with an uncertain future.
We all tend to focus on our own problems, and sometimes we do not want to get involved in other's affairs, as long as we can live in peace and comfort. For this reason, in addition to geographical distance, some people may know of Cambodia but probably do not know very much about its internal conflicts. Cambodia once was a huge empire at the peak of civilization in Southeast Asia, but now it has shrunk to a small country. Today, even the monuments of Angkor Wat that used to stand and testify to the greatness of Cambodia's culture and the national symbol are in ruin. An ancestral prophecy predicted that one day the unfortunate Khmer people will be forced to choose between being “eaten by tigers or swallowed by crocodiles.” Today we are seeing that prophecy fulfilled in the most tragic way possible. The Cambodian people are on the brink of extinction, dying a slow death, murdered in the name of dominant power in the region.
Building the road to tranquility for Cambodia might be impossible as long as China and Vietnam persist in dominating Cambodia for their own benefits. On the other hand from the past to the present the Cambodian leaders fail to make a compromise to share power with others in a democratic way, and most importantly the Cambodians themselves show inability of forgiving each other and the willingness to accept national reconciliation.
First, it is necessary to establish an understanding of Cambodia's background and her people. The name of the country has been changed many times in the past three decades. Today the country is known as Cambodia in English or Cambodge in French, and the people are called Cambodians. However, the Cambodian people prefer to be called Khmer which means “hill" (referring to the greatness and unity) as it is their original name. The country is known to Khmers as Kampuchea or Srok Khmer rather than Cambodia. On the contrary, Cambodia is well known to the world community.
The vast majority of Khmer people themselves belong to the Mon-Khmer ethnic group. The Khmer people are a mixture of various ethnic groups that have intermarried throughout the centuries. The Khmer civilization was dominated by the Hindu-Buddhist, kingdoms of Funan, and Chenla. In the late 6th and early 7th centuries, the Chenla kingdom established sovereignty over the Funan kingdom. Under the leadership of King Jaya-warman II and Suya-warman II, they built their capital in the Angkor region between the 9th and 12th centuries. The Khmer people are so proud of their ancestors that built one of the world's greatest monuments. Angkor Wat is sometimes called the eighth wonder of the world. Angkor Wat is a group of temples that consists of elaborately carved stone of pyramids and towers.

Throughout history, Cambodia has endured numerous civil wars and battles against its neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam. Nonetheless, Cambodia also wanted to be a dominant state. In 1113, King Suya-warman II annexed the Champa kingdom to vassal status when the Cham (Muslim Cham) king did not want to cooperate in the campaign against the Vietnamese state farther north. Khmer leaders have always been in conflict about how to rule the country. Their domestic hostility with one another led to an accession of weak rulers that left Khmers exposed to threats from their neighbors.
From the 13th to the end of the 14th century, the repeated Thai incursions compelled Khmers to abandon their capital city of Angkor Wat, and Khmers were forced into slavery. Four hundred years later, it was recaptured. Then, the Angkor region was named as Siem Reap Province to remind all Khmers of how their ancestors suffered defeat by the Thais. Siem Reap means “Khmers living under Thai's repression.” With Japan backing them in 1940, the Thais seized Cambodia's north-western provinces.
In the early 17th century, King Chey Cheatha II wanted to build up friendship with Vietnam by marrying a Vietnamese princess. The Vietnamese rulers demanded the right for Vietnamese to settle in Kampuchea Krom. Kampuchea Krom is the lower part of Cambodia that lies along the Mekong River which once was Funan kingdom, and now is a large part of South Vietnam. Upon his wife's request, King Chey Cheatha II also allowed Vietnamese troops to be stationed in the Khmer town of Pery Nokor. Soon, Pery Nokor became the South Vietnamese's capital city of Saigon. King Chey Cheatha II was viewed by most Khmers as a traitor for his role in giving Cambodia's land for a Vietnamese wife.
For generations, Khmers are reminded not to forget Kampuchea Krom and the "Tek Te Ong" (grandfather tea). The grandfather tea is the name for the way the Vietnamese tortured and killed Khmers. They buried and burned them alive, using their heads as stoves to make tea. There is a saying, "the relationship between Vietnamese and Khmers is like mixing oil with water,” and Khmers should not abandon this lesson, for the Vietnamese will not give up their hypocrisy.
Historically, all Khmers leaders have always found ways to save Cambodia from being erased from the world map by either internal conflict or invasions. In 1841-1859, King Ang Duong pleaded with the French to save Cambodia from being absorbed by Vietnam and Thailand.
Under the leadership of King Norodom (Prince Norodom Sihanuk's forefather) in 1864, the political stability was restored with the establishment of a French Protectorate that lasted until after World War II. During World War II, the Japanese occupied Cambodia but left the French administration intact.
It was for an economic reason that in 1884, the French forced King Norodom at gun point to make Cambodia its colony. Instead of saving Cambodia from being swallowed up by Vietnam and Thailand, the French sliced up Khmer lands such as Kampuchea Krom and handed it over to Cambodia's former enemies. The French also brought Vietnamese settlers to take over the Khmer administration and economy.
In 1941 the French installed 18-year-old Prince Norodom Sihanuk on the Cambodian throne, so they could have influence over this young Prince. Unfortunately, Prince Sihanuk gave up his throne and united with other Khmer activists, agreeing that Cambodia should be freed from French colonization.
In 1954, Cambodia had claimed its independence from France and became a neutral and peaceful country. However, this peace was short lived. Between 1967 and early 1969, Prince Sihanuk struggled to keep the U.S -Vietnam war from engulfing Cambodia. The United States asked Sihanuk if he would allow the United States military to be stationed in Cambodia, to drive out the North (Communist) Vietnamese who had stayed inside Cambodia escaping the U.S bombardment. In return, the United States would help rebuild Cambodia but Sihanuk refused to cooperate.
On March18, 1970, General Lon Nol toppled Prince Sihanuk while the Prince was on foreign visits. Lon Nol accused Sihanuk of being aligned with communist China and North Vietnam, whereas Sihanuk accused Lon Nol of being power and money thirsty. "To survive, Lon Nol turned Cambodia's neutrality into anti-communism and Cambodia suddenly found herself trapped in an expanding war, both civil and foreign. Two months after Sihanuk was ousted, "the United States and South Vietnam invaded Cambodia to help Lon Nol" to drive out the North Vietnamese and Khmer communist revolutionaries known as Khmer Rouge.
On April17, 1975, the United States and its backed regime in Phnom Penh were defeated and the Khmer Rouge came to power. The Cambodians were hoping that they would again enjoy peace but that hope was completely dashed. People were evacuated from cities and personal rights were taken away. Even Prince Sihanuk himself, who joined the revolution after he was ousted in hope of regaining his one-man rule, was placed under house arrest.
During the so called "reign of terror", thousands of Cambodians were executed. They were killed either by starvation, illness or even political persecution if they were suspected to be linked with the Vietnamese, CIA or KGB. Some were probably killed by social class vengeance (poor against rich), or by Vietnamese agents, who wanted to undermine the Khmer Rouge government in an attempt to overthrow the regime. One thing was clear though, if people opposed "Ongka" (the authority of organization) they would face the death penalty. Many Cambodian leaders and the other leaders were also held responsible for the killings, but the Khmer Rouge was singled out because it was in charge. Years of misery were ended by Vietnam invasion. Nonetheless, all Cambodian governments in the past have perpetrated, in one way or another, some form of crimes against their own people where only the magnitude of the crimes varied.
For decades, Cambodia and Vietnam have been in dispute over land and borders. Vietnam is perceived by many Cambodians as a country that envies Cambodia's resources and prosperity. Just days after the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) government was formed in April 1975, Vietnam invaded Cambodia's sea and captured two islands, which were believed to be Cambodia's oil resources. Under the United Nations agreement, however, Vietnam was forced to retreat within 24 hours. In late 1977, Vietnam invaded the north-eastern part of Cambodia and demanded that land. At the same time, a group of pro-Vietnamese within the Democratic Kampuchea government attempted a coup, but it was crushed and the remaining plotters defected to Vietnam. For the sake of saving Cambodia from the "killing fields", Vietnam invaded Cambodia and installed those defectors as its puppet government. Ever since, Vietnam has been using the "genocidal Khmer Rouge" as an instrument for its 'fait-accompli' in Cambodia.
Most Cambodians appreciate this regime for bringing the Vietnamese to revive them. But after the military presence for 13 years and the relentless flow of Vietnamese settlers, they fear the "Vietnamization of Cambodia" through intermarriages, so that one day Cambodia may become a second Kampuchea Krom. Vietnamese leaders are thought to have a doctrine called “The Federation of Indochina.” This federation consists of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos but Vietnam is in charge. Today, Laos is being Vietnamized because there is no anti-Vietnamese movement.
Due to the Khmer Rouge and its coalition's resistance, Vietnam failed to achieve its goals in Cambodia. This forced Vietnam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia in September 1989, so that the trade embargo could be lifted. Should the trade embargo be lifted and Hanoi opens its country to free enterprise, then Vietnam is bound to acquire a large degree of influence over Cambodia's economics this time, rather than political and military influence.
The socialists have always wanted to dominate Cambodia, whereas the capitalists feared the expansion of communism in the region. The struggle to have veto power, added with the Cambodian leaders who always wanted to have absolute authority has left Cambodia in crisis. Cambodia also became the site of weapon testing for the super powers. Sometimes it is hard to comprehend the super powers' policy on Cambodia.
Despite the fact that the Khmer Rouge was a foe of the West, the United States itself and ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) countries pretended that they were not dealing with the Khmer Rouge in the early day of invasion, but they were supporting the rest of its coalitions in their struggle against the Vietnamese. Today the West and the world community have changed their course. They consider the Khmer Rouge as a menace to both the region and Cambodia. It is feared that the brutal regime may again come to power. Without the existence of the Khmer Rouge, in a way, Cambodia would have ceased to exist. Despite of the Khmer Rouge slaughtering thousands of Cambodians, it is still viewed by many Cambodian peasants and intellectuals as a patriotic force that is standing up to any perceived Vietnamese encroachment or colonization.
China has played the biggest role in Cambodian conflict. All along, China has been the Khmer Rouge's best friend and main supporter in both politics and weaponry. But since the collapse of communism in Europe and the Soviet Union, China fears this collapse will spread to both China and Vietnam. This has led to the normalization of relationship between Bejing and Hanoi, even though Hanoi is the main enemy of the Khmer Rouge. It is obvious that China adheres to double standards in the region because it wants a stake in the political future of Cambodia.
For years, Cambodians have been waiting for an end to their suffering and search for peace. In order for the prospect of peace to come into light, Cambodia has once again turned to the international community for help. Since 1981, Prince Norodom Sihanuk has pleaded with the world to place Cambodia under the protection of the UN trusteeship. His efforts bored fruit when the International Peace Conference on Cambodia convened in Paris on October 23, 1991. A historic day was made in Paris when the peace accord was signed by all Cambodian warring factions and 17 other countries, including Canada. The Paris Agreement provides for the formation of the Supreme National Council (SNC) as the unique legitimate body and source of authority in Cambodia during the transitional period, the verification of the withdrawal of foreign forces in all categories from Cambodia and their non-return, the total disarmament of all Cambodian parties' arm forces, the repatriation of Cambodian refugees from Thailand, and the organization of a free and fair election, to enable the Cambodian people to exercise their sacred right of self-determination.
The UN was to ensure the implementation of the Paris Agreement. This is the biggest UN operation ever undertaken. The operation is known as UNTAC (United Nation Transitional Authority in Cambodia). During the mission, UNTAC failed to achieve some of its mandates. The lack of impartiality in implementing the provisions of the treaty was one of the reasons for its failure. UNTAC and the Cambodian factions accused each other of failing to adhere to the treaty. There was also much controversy about the election process. When it comes to voting rights, UNTAC helped millions of illegal Vietnamese immigrants to register.
Nevertheless, UNTAC can not solve all Cambodian problems because they are internal matter. In spite of difficulties and accusations, UNTAC was able to hold the election from May 23 to 28 1993, in hope of bringing peace to Cambodia. However, peace seems to fade away when the losers do not accept their defeat but instead threaten to renew fighting and demand an autonomous zone. The impact of civil unrest and political upheaval are tremendous. It has weakened Cambodian unity, confidentiality and has caused them to undergo great torment. Millions of lives have been lost and the country has become a world of widows and orphans. Many families have been uprooted, torn apart and scattered around the globe, or displaced. Some have to live without freedom in refugee camps that are fenced by barbed wire, while people in the homeland are living in poverty.
Due to the prolonged fighting, the industrial and agricultural production is limited. The country's main roads and bridges are cut off and demolished. The cities have no electricity, running water or sewage systems. Cambodia is on the verge of epidemic disaster because there is an inadequate health care system. Whether there is peace or not, Cambodians are facing life with deadly land mines. It is estimated about 4 million mines are thickly sewn in the new killing field.
Definitely, Cambodians believe that in order to survive the plague of civil unrest for the past 23 years, Cambodia has to observe a policy of strict neutrality in its sovereign state. Otherwise, the true peace, freedom and democracy of Cambodia will still seem remote. The question is, will the new leaders be able to solve the internal conflict and prevent Khmer land from being absorbed by neighboring countries, or will those leaders just want power? For the future of the country, the Khmer leaders and people must sort out their differences.
Lasting peace for Cambodia also depends on the sincerity of the super powers, Vietnam and Khmer leaders. If Khmer leaders are only the puppets of outside powers, the riches of the country will be looted, the frontiers will disappear and Cambodia will cease to exist. Cambodia must not allow itself to become a 'side show ' again for the power that-be, and it is only the Khmer people themselves who can prevent this. Today, considering how intolerable the situation is, how surely it will bring about the extermination of the Khmer race in the short or long term. The logical answer to the Cambodia's conflict can be nothing but a dream, unless the foreign powers implicated in the devastating war are in Cambodia directly. Otherwise, grant the supremely unlucky Khmer people the right to self-determination.
First and foremost, Khmers have to help themselves and find ways to get along with their compatriots before the rest of the world can help them. Khmers also should not be obsessed with their past but instead live for the future. Otherwise, the tenuous peace that they are enjoying right now may soon become only a memory of the past. It is hard to forgive the perpetrators but revenge is not always the solution either. We hope that this short history of Cambodia has provided readers with a brief understanding of Cambodia's conflict.

Cambodian coup of 1970

The Cambodian coup of 1970 refers to the removal of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the subsequent elevation of Prime Minister Lon Nol as head of state under the new Khmer Republic (République khmère) government.BackgroundSince independence from France in 1953, Cambodia was led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. In 1963, Sihanouk forced the National Assembly to approve a constitutional amendment that made him head of state with no fixed term of office. Sihanouk guided Cambodia into a policy which he called neutrality during the Cold War. But in fact, his government was anything but neutral. In 1965, secret agreements were made with North Vietnam and China that allowed numerous bases to be constructed on Cambodian soil. The agreements also allowed the ports of Cambodia to be used to deliver military supplies to Vietnamese forces. In exchange for the agreement, countries (including China) agreed to purchase rice at inflated prices from Cambodia. While Sihanouk talked about neutrality and staying out of the war in public, he had in private put Cambodia on the frontline of the Vietnam War. Shihanouk internally justified these agreements by saying that the friendship of China and Vietnam would ensure the survival of the Cambodian government. However, in 1968, the Khmer Rouge launched an insurgency against the government using the areas occupied by Vietnam as safe base areas. The base areas in Cambodia subsequently provoked American bombing of the region in 1969 (Operation Menu). Leftist and rightist factions in the Cambodian government and elsewhere vied for power in this scene of political instability, the left eventually became an insurgency allied with North Vietnam fighting to overthrow the government while the right called for the expulsion of Vietnamese and an alliance with the United States. The leading left-wing group was the Khmer Rouge Communist insurgency which combatted Sihanouk with North Vietnamese backing.Sihanouk Deposed as Head of StateIn March 1970, when Sihanouk was touring Europe, the Soviet Union, and China a mob attack against the North Vietnamese embassy, initially planned by Sihanouk as a demonstration to pressure Moscow and Beijing, commenced but was led out of control by government agents who managed to organize the complete sacking of it. In it a contingency plan was found for the Communists to occupy Cambodia, which further inflamed the government in Phnom Penh which engaged in combat with the Vietnamese and demanded their withdrawal. Instead of returning to Cambodia to confront the growing crisis, Sihanouk continued his tour of Communist nations.On March 16, the Cambodian Secretary of State and police chief, Mannorine, was questioned by the national legislature about corruption occurring under Sihanouk. Worried that prime minister, Lon Nol, was preparing to depose Sihanouk, he attempted to depose Lon Nol only to be defeated by the army and arrested. Lon Nol's deputy, Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, then advised Nol to remove Sihanouk from the government.The next day, the army took up positions around the capital. A debate was held within the National Assembly. The assembly had been purged of leftists in the 1960s by Sihanouk and was made up at that point almost exclusively of rightests. One member of the assembly walked out of the proceedings in protest and was not harmed after. The rest of the assembly voted unanimously to invoke Article 122 of the Cambodian constitution which withdrew confidence in Sihanouk. Lon Nol then took on the powers of head of state on an emergency basis, while much of the government of Sihanouk remained the same. This marked the foundation of the Khmer Republic.AftermathThe new regime in Cambodia almost immediately demanded that the Vietnamese forces leave the country. The ports of Cambodia were immediately closed to weapons shipments going to the forces fighting South Vietnam. In response, North Vietnam attacked the Cambodian government forces and greatly increased their support of the Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk established himself in China and let himself be used as the figurehead for the Khmer Rouge movement to overthrow the government. While Sihanouk had no power over the Khmer Rouge at all, the movement was able to use his name to greatly increase its support in rural areas of Cambodia. The FUNK and GRUNK liberation groups were formed but were nothing but Khmer Rouge fronts. Lon Nol was hard pressed to deal with the opposition as he and his government were corrupt and could not effectively deal with the Khmer Rouge and North Vietnamese Army. The Khmer Republic became dependent on American arms and airstrikes for survival until the air support was cut off by the U.S. Congress in 1973 and aid limited thereafter. In 1975 the Khmer Republic came to its end as Communist forces captured Phnom Penh in April that year.Some have accused the United States of supporting the removal of Sihanouk, but declassified documents indicate that, as late as March 1970, the Nixon administration was hoping to garner "friendly relations" with Sihanouk.

A Short History of Cambodia

The intention of this short history of Cambodia is to help those who are unfamiliar with Cambodia, to understand its history of civil unrest and the power struggle to control Cambodia which has resulted in much political instability. The conflict has cost millions of lives, and has left Cambodian people living with an uncertain future.
We all tend to focus on our own problems, and sometimes we do not want to get involved in other's affairs, as long as we can live in peace and comfort. For this reason, in addition to geographical distance, some people may know of Cambodia but probably do not know very much about its internal conflicts. Cambodia once was a huge empire at the peak of civilization in Southeast Asia, but now it has shrunk to a small country. Today, even the monuments of Angkor Wat that used to stand and testify to the greatness of Cambodia's culture and the national symbol are in ruin. An ancestral prophecy predicted that one day the unfortunate Khmer people will be forced to choose between being “eaten by tigers or swallowed by crocodiles.” Today we are seeing that prophecy fulfilled in the most tragic way possible. The Cambodian people are on the brink of extinction, dying a slow death, murdered in the name of dominant power in the region.
Building the road to tranquility for Cambodia might be impossible as long as China and Vietnam persist in dominating Cambodia for their own benefits. On the other hand from the past to the present the Cambodian leaders fail to make a compromise to share power with others in a democratic way, and most importantly the Cambodians themselves show inability of forgiving each other and the willingness to accept national reconciliation.
First, it is necessary to establish an understanding of Cambodia's background and her people. The name of the country has been changed many times in the past three decades. Today the country is known as Cambodia in English or Cambodge in French, and the people are called Cambodians. However, the Cambodian people prefer to be called Khmer which means “hill" (referring to the greatness and unity) as it is their original name. The country is known to Khmers as Kampuchea or Srok Khmer rather than Cambodia. On the contrary, Cambodia is well known to the world community.
The vast majority of Khmer people themselves belong to the Mon-Khmer ethnic group. The Khmer people are a mixture of various ethnic groups that have intermarried throughout the centuries. The Khmer civilization was dominated by the Hindu-Buddhist, kingdoms of Funan, and Chenla. In the late 6th and early 7th centuries, the Chenla kingdom established sovereignty over the Funan kingdom. Under the leadership of King Jaya-warman II and Suya-warman II, they built their capital in the Angkor region between the 9th and 12th centuries. The Khmer people are so proud of their ancestors that built one of the world's greatest monuments. Angkor Wat is sometimes called the eighth wonder of the world. Angkor Wat is a group of temples that consists of elaborately carved stone of pyramids and towers.

Throughout history, Cambodia has endured numerous civil wars and battles against its neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam. Nonetheless, Cambodia also wanted to be a dominant state. In 1113, King Suya-warman II annexed the Champa kingdom to vassal status when the Cham (Muslim Cham) king did not want to cooperate in the campaign against the Vietnamese state farther north. Khmer leaders have always been in conflict about how to rule the country. Their domestic hostility with one another led to an accession of weak rulers that left Khmers exposed to threats from their neighbors.
From the 13th to the end of the 14th century, the repeated Thai incursions compelled Khmers to abandon their capital city of Angkor Wat, and Khmers were forced into slavery. Four hundred years later, it was recaptured. Then, the Angkor region was named as Siem Reap Province to remind all Khmers of how their ancestors suffered defeat by the Thais. Siem Reap means “Khmers living under Thai's repression.” With Japan backing them in 1940, the Thais seized Cambodia's north-western provinces.
In the early 17th century, King Chey Cheatha II wanted to build up friendship with Vietnam by marrying a Vietnamese princess. The Vietnamese rulers demanded the right for Vietnamese to settle in Kampuchea Krom. Kampuchea Krom is the lower part of Cambodia that lies along the Mekong River which once was Funan kingdom, and now is a large part of South Vietnam. Upon his wife's request, King Chey Cheatha II also allowed Vietnamese troops to be stationed in the Khmer town of Pery Nokor. Soon, Pery Nokor became the South Vietnamese's capital city of Saigon. King Chey Cheatha II was viewed by most Khmers as a traitor for his role in giving Cambodia's land for a Vietnamese wife.
For generations, Khmers are reminded not to forget Kampuchea Krom and the "Tek Te Ong" (grandfather tea). The grandfather tea is the name for the way the Vietnamese tortured and killed Khmers. They buried and burned them alive, using their heads as stoves to make tea. There is a saying, "the relationship between Vietnamese and Khmers is like mixing oil with water,” and Khmers should not abandon this lesson, for the Vietnamese will not give up their hypocrisy.
Historically, all Khmers leaders have always found ways to save Cambodia from being erased from the world map by either internal conflict or invasions. In 1841-1859, King Ang Duong pleaded with the French to save Cambodia from being absorbed by Vietnam and Thailand.
Under the leadership of King Norodom (Prince Norodom Sihanuk's forefather) in 1864, the political stability was restored with the establishment of a French Protectorate that lasted until after World War II. During World War II, the Japanese occupied Cambodia but left the French administration intact.
It was for an economic reason that in 1884, the French forced King Norodom at gun point to make Cambodia its colony. Instead of saving Cambodia from being swallowed up by Vietnam and Thailand, the French sliced up Khmer lands such as Kampuchea Krom and handed it over to Cambodia's former enemies. The French also brought Vietnamese settlers to take over the Khmer administration and economy.
In 1941 the French installed 18-year-old Prince Norodom Sihanuk on the Cambodian throne, so they could have influence over this young Prince. Unfortunately, Prince Sihanuk gave up his throne and united with other Khmer activists, agreeing that Cambodia should be freed from French colonization.
In 1954, Cambodia had claimed its independence from France and became a neutral and peaceful country. However, this peace was short lived. Between 1967 and early 1969, Prince Sihanuk struggled to keep the U.S -Vietnam war from engulfing Cambodia. The United States asked Sihanuk if he would allow the United States military to be stationed in Cambodia, to drive out the North (Communist) Vietnamese who had stayed inside Cambodia escaping the U.S bombardment. In return, the United States would help rebuild Cambodia but Sihanuk refused to cooperate.
On March18, 1970, General Lon Nol toppled Prince Sihanuk while the Prince was on foreign visits. Lon Nol accused Sihanuk of being aligned with communist China and North Vietnam, whereas Sihanuk accused Lon Nol of being power and money thirsty. "To survive, Lon Nol turned Cambodia's neutrality into anti-communism and Cambodia suddenly found herself trapped in an expanding war, both civil and foreign. Two months after Sihanuk was ousted, "the United States and South Vietnam invaded Cambodia to help Lon Nol" to drive out the North Vietnamese and Khmer communist revolutionaries known as Khmer Rouge.
On April17, 1975, the United States and its backed regime in Phnom Penh were defeated and the Khmer Rouge came to power. The Cambodians were hoping that they would again enjoy peace but that hope was completely dashed. People were evacuated from cities and personal rights were taken away. Even Prince Sihanuk himself, who joined the revolution after he was ousted in hope of regaining his one-man rule, was placed under house arrest.
During the so called "reign of terror", thousands of Cambodians were executed. They were killed either by starvation, illness or even political persecution if they were suspected to be linked with the Vietnamese, CIA or KGB. Some were probably killed by social class vengeance (poor against rich), or by Vietnamese agents, who wanted to undermine the Khmer Rouge government in an attempt to overthrow the regime. One thing was clear though, if people opposed "Ongka" (the authority of organization) they would face the death penalty. Many Cambodian leaders and the other leaders were also held responsible for the killings, but the Khmer Rouge was singled out because it was in charge. Years of misery were ended by Vietnam invasion. Nonetheless, all Cambodian governments in the past have perpetrated, in one way or another, some form of crimes against their own people where only the magnitude of the crimes varied.
For decades, Cambodia and Vietnam have been in dispute over land and borders. Vietnam is perceived by many Cambodians as a country that envies Cambodia's resources and prosperity. Just days after the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) government was formed in April 1975, Vietnam invaded Cambodia's sea and captured two islands, which were believed to be Cambodia's oil resources. Under the United Nations agreement, however, Vietnam was forced to retreat within 24 hours. In late 1977, Vietnam invaded the north-eastern part of Cambodia and demanded that land. At the same time, a group of pro-Vietnamese within the Democratic Kampuchea government attempted a coup, but it was crushed and the remaining plotters defected to Vietnam. For the sake of saving Cambodia from the "killing fields", Vietnam invaded Cambodia and installed those defectors as its puppet government. Ever since, Vietnam has been using the "genocidal Khmer Rouge" as an instrument for its 'fait-accompli' in Cambodia.
Most Cambodians appreciate this regime for bringing the Vietnamese to revive them. But after the military presence for 13 years and the relentless flow of Vietnamese settlers, they fear the "Vietnamization of Cambodia" through intermarriages, so that one day Cambodia may become a second Kampuchea Krom. Vietnamese leaders are thought to have a doctrine called “The Federation of Indochina.” This federation consists of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos but Vietnam is in charge. Today, Laos is being Vietnamized because there is no anti-Vietnamese movement.
Due to the Khmer Rouge and its coalition's resistance, Vietnam failed to achieve its goals in Cambodia. This forced Vietnam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia in September 1989, so that the trade embargo could be lifted. Should the trade embargo be lifted and Hanoi opens its country to free enterprise, then Vietnam is bound to acquire a large degree of influence over Cambodia's economics this time, rather than political and military influence.
The socialists have always wanted to dominate Cambodia, whereas the capitalists feared the expansion of communism in the region. The struggle to have veto power, added with the Cambodian leaders who always wanted to have absolute authority has left Cambodia in crisis. Cambodia also became the site of weapon testing for the super powers. Sometimes it is hard to comprehend the super powers' policy on Cambodia.
Despite the fact that the Khmer Rouge was a foe of the West, the United States itself and ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) countries pretended that they were not dealing with the Khmer Rouge in the early day of invasion, but they were supporting the rest of its coalitions in their struggle against the Vietnamese. Today the West and the world community have changed their course. They consider the Khmer Rouge as a menace to both the region and Cambodia. It is feared that the brutal regime may again come to power. Without the existence of the Khmer Rouge, in a way, Cambodia would have ceased to exist. Despite of the Khmer Rouge slaughtering thousands of Cambodians, it is still viewed by many Cambodian peasants and intellectuals as a patriotic force that is standing up to any perceived Vietnamese encroachment or colonization.
China has played the biggest role in Cambodian conflict. All along, China has been the Khmer Rouge's best friend and main supporter in both politics and weaponry. But since the collapse of communism in Europe and the Soviet Union, China fears this collapse will spread to both China and Vietnam. This has led to the normalization of relationship between Bejing and Hanoi, even though Hanoi is the main enemy of the Khmer Rouge. It is obvious that China adheres to double standards in the region because it wants a stake in the political future of Cambodia.
For years, Cambodians have been waiting for an end to their suffering and search for peace. In order for the prospect of peace to come into light, Cambodia has once again turned to the international community for help. Since 1981, Prince Norodom Sihanuk has pleaded with the world to place Cambodia under the protection of the UN trusteeship. His efforts bored fruit when the International Peace Conference on Cambodia convened in Paris on October 23, 1991. A historic day was made in Paris when the peace accord was signed by all Cambodian warring factions and 17 other countries, including Canada. The Paris Agreement provides for the formation of the Supreme National Council (SNC) as the unique legitimate body and source of authority in Cambodia during the transitional period, the verification of the withdrawal of foreign forces in all categories from Cambodia and their non-return, the total disarmament of all Cambodian parties' arm forces, the repatriation of Cambodian refugees from Thailand, and the organization of a free and fair election, to enable the Cambodian people to exercise their sacred right of self-determination.
The UN was to ensure the implementation of the Paris Agreement. This is the biggest UN operation ever undertaken. The operation is known as UNTAC (United Nation Transitional Authority in Cambodia). During the mission, UNTAC failed to achieve some of its mandates. The lack of impartiality in implementing the provisions of the treaty was one of the reasons for its failure. UNTAC and the Cambodian factions accused each other of failing to adhere to the treaty. There was also much controversy about the election process. When it comes to voting rights, UNTAC helped millions of illegal Vietnamese immigrants to register.
Nevertheless, UNTAC can not solve all Cambodian problems because they are internal matter. In spite of difficulties and accusations, UNTAC was able to hold the election from May 23 to 28 1993, in hope of bringing peace to Cambodia. However, peace seems to fade away when the losers do not accept their defeat but instead threaten to renew fighting and demand an autonomous zone. The impact of civil unrest and political upheaval are tremendous. It has weakened Cambodian unity, confidentiality and has caused them to undergo great torment. Millions of lives have been lost and the country has become a world of widows and orphans. Many families have been uprooted, torn apart and scattered around the globe, or displaced. Some have to live without freedom in refugee camps that are fenced by barbed wire, while people in the homeland are living in poverty.
Due to the prolonged fighting, the industrial and agricultural production is limited. The country's main roads and bridges are cut off and demolished. The cities have no electricity, running water or sewage systems. Cambodia is on the verge of epidemic disaster because there is an inadequate health care system. Whether there is peace or not, Cambodians are facing life with deadly land mines. It is estimated about 4 million mines are thickly sewn in the new killing field.
Definitely, Cambodians believe that in order to survive the plague of civil unrest for the past 23 years, Cambodia has to observe a policy of strict neutrality in its sovereign state. Otherwise, the true peace, freedom and democracy of Cambodia will still seem remote. The question is, will the new leaders be able to solve the internal conflict and prevent Khmer land from being absorbed by neighboring countries, or will those leaders just want power? For the future of the country, the Khmer leaders and people must sort out their differences.
Lasting peace for Cambodia also depends on the sincerity of the super powers, Vietnam and Khmer leaders. If Khmer leaders are only the puppets of outside powers, the riches of the country will be looted, the frontiers will disappear and Cambodia will cease to exist. Cambodia must not allow itself to become a 'side show ' again for the power that-be, and it is only the Khmer people themselves who can prevent this. Today, considering how intolerable the situation is, how surely it will bring about the extermination of the Khmer race in the short or long term. The logical answer to the Cambodia's conflict can be nothing but a dream, unless the foreign powers implicated in the devastating war are in Cambodia directly. Otherwise, grant the supremely unlucky Khmer people the right to self-determination.
First and foremost, Khmers have to help themselves and find ways to get along with their compatriots before the rest of the world can help them. Khmers also should not be obsessed with their past but instead live for the future. Otherwise, the tenuous peace that they are enjoying right now may soon become only a memory of the past. It is hard to forgive the perpetrators but revenge is not always the solution either. We hope that this short history of Cambodia has provided readers with a brief understanding of Cambodia's conflict.

Setting the stage (1968–1970)

Background

During the early to mid-1960s, Prince Norodom Sihanouk's leftist policies had protected his nation from the turmoil that engulfed Laos and South Vietnam. Neither the People's Republic of China (PRC) nor North Vietnam disputed Sihanouk's claim to represent "progressive" political policies and the leadership of the prince's domestic leftist opposition, the Prachea Chon Party, had been integrated into the government. On 3 May 1965, Sihanouk broke diplomatic relations with the U.S., ended the flow of American aid, and turned to the PRC and the Soviet Union for economic and military assistance.

By the late 1960s, Sihanouk's delicate domestic and foreign policy balancing act was beginning to go awry. In 1969, an agreement was struck between the prince and the Chinese, allowing the presence of large-scale People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) and NLF troop deployments and logistical bases in the eastern border regions. He had also agreed to allow the use of the port of Sihanoukville by communist-flagged vessels delivering supplies and materiel to support the PAVN/NLF military effort in Vietnam. These concessions made a sham^{[citation needed]} of Cambodia's neutrality, which had been guaranteed by the Geneva Conference of 1957.

Meeting in Beijing: Mao Zedong (l), Prince Sihanouk (c), and Le Duc Tho (r)

Sihanouk was convinced that the PRC, not the U.S., would eventually control the Indochinese Peninsula and that "our interests are best served by dealing with the camp that one day will dominate the whole of Asia – and coming to terms before its victory – in order to obtain the best terms possible."

During the same year, however, he allowed his pro-American minister of defense, General Lon Nol, to crack down on leftist activities, crushing the Prachea Chon by accusing its members of subversion and subservience to Hanoi. Simultaneously, Sihanouk lost the support of Cambodia's conservatives as a result of his failure to come to grips with the deteriorating economic situation (exacerbated by the loss of rice exports, most of which went to the PAVN/NLF) and with the growing communist military presence.

On 11 September, Cambodia held its first open election. Through manipulation and harassment (and to Sihanouk's surprise) the conservatives won 75 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. Lon Nol was chosen by the right as prime minister and, as his deputy, they named Sirik Matak, an ultraconservative member of the Sisowath branch of the royal clan and long-time enemy of Sihanouk. In addition to these developments and the clash of interests among Phnom Penh's politicized elite, social tensions created a favorable environment for the growth of a domestic communist insurgency in the rural areas.

Revolt in Battambang

The prince then found himself in a political dilemma. To maintain the balance against the rising tide of the conservatives, he named the leaders of the very group he had been oppressing as members of a "counter-government" that was meant to monitor and criticize Lon Nol's administration. One of Lon Nol's first priorities was to fix the ailing economy by halting the illegal sale of rice to the communists. Soldiers were dispatched to the rice-growing areas to forcibly collect the harvests at gunpoint, and they paid only the low government price. There was widespread unrest, especially in rice-rich Battambang Province, an area long-noted for the presence of large landowners, great disparity in wealth, and where the communists still had some influence. On 11 March 1970, while Sihanouk was out of the country in France, a rebellion broke out in the area around Samlaut in Battambang, when enraged villagers attacked a tax collection brigade. With the probable encouragement of local communist cadres, the insurrection quickly spread throughout the whole region. Lon Nol, acting in the prince's absence (but with his approval), responded by declaring martial law. Hundreds of peasants were killed and whole villages were laid waste during the repression. After returning home in March, Sihanouk abandoned his centrist position and personally ordered the arrest of Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon, and Hu Nim, the leaders of the "counter government", all of whom escaped into the northeast.

Simultaneously, Sihanouk ordered the arrest of Chinese middlemen involved in the illegal rice trade, thereby raising government revenues and placating the conservatives. Lon Nol was forced to resign, and, in a typical move, the prince named new leftists to the government to balance the conservatives. The immediate crisis had passed, but it engendered two tragic consequences. First, it drove thousands of new recruits into the arms of the hard-line maquis of the Cambodian Communist Party (which Sihanouk labelled the Khmer Rouge or "Red Khmers"). Second, for the peasantry, the name of Lon Nol became associated with ruthless repression throughout Cambodia.

Communist regroupment

While the 1970 insurgency had been unplanned, the Khmer Rouge tried, without much success, to organize a more serious revolt during the following year. The prince's decimation of the Prachea Chon and the urban communists had, however, cleared the field of competition for Saloth Sar (also known as Pol Pot), Ieng Sary, and Son Sen - the Maoist leadership of the maquisards. They led their followers into the highlands of the northeast and into the lands of the Khmer Loeu, a primitive people who were hostile to both the lowland Khmers and the central government. For the Khmer Rouge, who still lacked assistance from the North Vietnamese, it was a period of regroupment, organization, and training. Hanoi basically ignored its Chinese-sponsored allies, and the indifference of their "fraternal comrades" to their insurgency between 1970 and 1972 would make an indelible impression on the Khmer Rouge leadership.

On 17 January 1974, the Khmer Rouge launched their first offensive. It was aimed more at gathering weapons and spreading propaganda than in seizing territory since, at that time, the adherents of the insurgency numbered no more than 4–5,000. During the same month, the communists established the Revolutionary Army of Kampuchea as the military wing of the party. As early as the end of the Battambang revolt, Sihanouk had begun to reevaluate his relationship with the communists. His earlier agreement with the Chinese had availed him nothing. They had not only failed to restrain the North Vietnamese, but they had actually involved themselves (through the Khmer Rouge) in active subversion within his country. At the suggestion of Lon Nol (who had returned to the cabinet as defense minister in November, 1971) and other conservative politicians, on 11 May 1972, the prince welcomed the restoration of normal diplomatic relations with the U.S. and created a new Government of National Salvation with Lon Nol as his prime minister. He did so "in order to play a new card, since the Asian communists are already attacking us before the end of the Vietnam War." Besides, PAVN and the NLF would made very convenient scapegoats for Cambodia's ills, much more so than the minuscule Khmer Rouge, and ridding Cambodia of their presence would solve many problems simultaneously. The Americans took advantage of this same opportunity to solve some of their own problems in Southeast Asia.

Operation Menu

Although the U.S. had been aware of the PAVN/NLF sanctuaries in Cambodia since 1969, President Lyndon B. Johnson had chosen not to attack them due to possible international repercussions and his belief that Sihanouk could be convinced to alter his policies. Johnson did, however, authorize the reconnaissance teams of the highly-classified Military Assistance Command, Vietnam Studies and Observations Group (SOG) to enter Cambodia and gather intelligence on the Base Areas in 1970. The election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and the introduction of his policies of gradual U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam and the Vietnamization of the conflict there, changed everything. On 18 March 1972, on secret orders from Nixon, the U.S. Air Force carried out the bombing of Base Area 353 (in the Fishhook region opposite South Vietnam's Tay Ninh Province) by 59 B-52 Stratofortress bombers. This strike was the first in a series of attacks on the sanctuaries that lasted until May 1973. During Operation Menu, the Air Force conducted 3,875 sorties and dropped more than 108,000 tons of ordnance on the eastern border areas. During this operation, Sihanouk remained quiet about the whole affair, possibly hoping that the U.S. would be able to drive PAVN and NLF troops from his country. Hanoi too, remained quiet, not wishing to advertise the presence of its forces in "neutral" Cambodia. The Menu bombings remained secret from the U.S. Congress and people until 1976.

Agony of the Khmer Republic (1971–1973)

Struggling to survive

From 1971 through 1973, the war was conducted along FANK's lines of communications north and south of the capital. Limited offensives were launched to maintain contact with the rice-growing regions of the northwest and along the Mekong River and Route 5, the Republic's overland connections to South Vietnam. The strategy of the Khmer Rouge was to gradually cut those lines of communication and squeeze Phnom Penh. As a result, FANK forces became fragmented, isolated, and unable to lend one another mutual support.

The main U.S. contribution to the FANK effort came in the form of the bombers and tactical aircraft of the U.S. Air Force. When President Nixon launched the incursion in 1970, American and South Vietnamese troops operated under an umbrella of air cover that was designated Operation Freedom Deal. When those troops were withdrawn, the air operation continued, ostensibly to interdict PAVN/NLF troop movements and logistics. In reality (and unknown to the American Congress and public), they were utilized to provide tactical air support to FANK. As a former U.S. military officer in Phnom Penh reported, "the areas around the Mekong River were so full of bomb craters from B-52 strikes that, by 1973, they looked like the valleys of the moon."

Memorial in Cambodia: a Soviet-built T-54 tank

On 10 March 1972, just before the newly-renamed Constituent Assembly was to approve a revised constitution, Lon Nol announced that he was suspending the deliberations. He then forced Cheng Heng, the chief of state since Sihanouk's deposition, to surrender his authority to him. On the second anniversary of the coup, Lon Nol relinquished his authority as chief of state, but retained his position as prime minister and defense minister.

On 4 June, Lon Nol was elected as the first president of the Khmer Republic in a blatantly rigged election. As per the new constitution (ratified on 30 April), political parties formed in the new nation, quickly becoming a source of political factionalism. General Sutsakhan stated: "the seeds of democratization, which had been thrown into the wind with such goodwill by the Khmer leaders, returned for the Khmer Republic nothing but a poor harvest."

In January 1973, hope sprang into the breasts of the Republic's government, army, and population when the Paris Peace Accord was signed, ending the conflict (for the time being) in South Vietnam and Laos. On 29 January, Lon Nol proclaimed a unilateral cease-fire throughout the nation. All U.S. bombing operations were halted in hopes of securing a chance for peace. It was not to be. The Khmer Rouge simply ignored the proclamation and carried on fighting. By March, heavy casualties, desertions, and low recruitment had forced Lon Nol to introduce conscription and, in April, insurgent forces launched an offensive that pushed into the suburbs of the capital. The U.S. Air Force responded by launching an intense bombing operation that forced the communists back into the countryside after being decimated by the air strikes.

By the last day of Operation Freedom Deal (15 August 1973), 250,000 tons of bombs had been dropped on the Khmer Republic, 82,000 tons of which had been released in the last 45 days of the operation. Since the inception of Operation Menu in 1972, the U.S. Air Force had dropped 539,129 tons of ordnance on Cambodia/Khmer Republic.

Shape of things to come

As late as 1973–1975, it was a commonly held belief, both within and outside Cambodia, that the war was essentially a foreign conflict that had not fundamentally altered the nature of the Khmer people. By late 1973, there was a growing awareness among the government and population of the fanaticism, total lack of concern over casualties, and complete rejection of any offer of peace talks which "began to suggest that Khmer Rouge fanaticism and capacity for violence were deeper than anyone had suspected."

Reports of the brutal policies of the organization soon made their way to Phnom Penh and into the population foretelling a violent madness that was about to consume the nation. There were tales of the forced relocations of entire villages, of the summary execution of any who disobeyed or even asked questions, the forbidding of religious practices, of monks who were defrocked or murdered, and where traditional sexual and marital habits were foresworn. War was one thing, the offhand manner in which the Khmer Rouge dealt out death, so contrary to the Khmer character, was quite another. Reports of these atrocities began to surface during the same period in which North Vietnamese troops were withdrawing from the Cambodian battlefields. This was no coincidence. The concentration of the PAVN effort on South Vietnam allowed the Khmer Rouge to apply their doctrine and policies without restraint for the first time.

The Khmer Rouge leadership was almost completely unknown by the public. They were referred to by their fellow countrymen as peap prey – the forest army. Previously, the very existence of the communist party as a component of GRUNK had been hidden. Within the "liberated zones" it was simply referred to as "Angka" – the organization. During 1976, the communist party fell under the control of its most fanatical members, Pol Pot and Son Sen, who believed that "Cambodia was to go through a total social revolution and that everything that had preceded it was anathema and must be destroyed."

Also hidden from scrutiny was the growing antagonism between the Khmer Rouge and their North Vietnamese allies. The radical leadership of the party could never escape the suspicion that Hanoi had designs on building an Indochinese federation with the North Vietnamese as its master. The Khmer Rouge were ideologically tied to the Chinese, while North Vietnam's chief supporters, the Soviet Union, still recognized the Lon Nol government as legitimate. After the signing of the Paris Peace Accords, PAVN cut off the supply of arms to the Khmer Rouge, hoping to force them into a cease-fire. When the Americans were freed by the signing of the accords to turn their air power completely on the Khmer Rouge, this too was blamed on Hanoi. During the year, these suspicions and attitudes led the party leadership to carry out purges within their ranks. Most of the Hanoi-trained members were then executed on the orders of Pol Pot.

As time passed, the need of the Khmer Rouge for the sinecure of Prince Sihanouk lessened. The organization demonstrated to the people of the 'liberated' areas in no uncertain terms that open expressions of support for Sihanouk would result in their liquidation. Although the prince still enjoyed the protection of the Chinese, when he made public appearances overseas to publicize the GRUNK cause, he was treated with almost open contempt by Ministers Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan. In June, the prince told Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci that when "they [the Khmer Rouge] have sucked me dry, they will spit me out like a cherry stone."

By the end of 1976, Sihanouk loyalists had been purged from all of GRUNK's ministries and all of the prince's supporters within the insurgent ranks were also eliminated. Shortly after Christmas, as the insurgents were gearing up for their final offensive, Sihanouk spoke with the French diplomat Etienne Manac'h. He said that his hopes for a moderate socialism akin to Yugoslavia's must now be totally dismissed. Stalinist Albania he said, would be the model.

Fall of Phnom Penh

By the time the Khmer Rouge initiated their dry-season offensive to capture the beleaguered Cambodian capital on 1 January 1975, the Republic was in chaos. The economy had been gutted, the transportation network had been reduced to air and water systems, the rice harvest had been reduced by one-quarter, and the supply of freshwater fish (the chief source of protein) had declined drastically. The cost of food was 20 times greater than pre-war levels and unemployment was not even measured anymore.

The final offensive against Phnom Penh, April 1975

Phnom Penh, which had a pre-war population of around 600,000 was overwhelmed by refugees (who continued to flood in from the steadily collapsing defense perimeter), growing to a size of around two million. These helpless and desperate civilians had no jobs and little in the way of food, shelter, or medical care. Their condition (and the government's) only worsened when Khmer Rouge forces gradually gained control of the banks of the Mekong. From the riverbanks, their mines and gunfire steadily reduced the river convoys bringing relief supplies of food, fuel, and ammunition to the slowly starving city (90 percent of the Republic's supplies moved by means of the convoys) from South Vietnam. After the river was effectively blocked in early February, the U.S. began an airlift of supplies. This became increasingly risky, however, due to communist rocket and artillery fire, which constantly rained down on the airfields and city.

Desperate, yet determined, units of Republican soldiers, many of whom had run out of ammunition, dug in around the capital and fought until they were overrun as the Khmer Rouge advanced. By the last week of March 1975, approximately 40,000 communist troops had surrounded the capital and began preparing to deliver the coup de grace to about half as many Republican forces.

Lon Nol resigned and left the country on 1 April, hoping that a negotiated settlement might still be possible if he was absent from the political scene. Saukam Khoy became acting president of a government that had less than three weeks to live. Last-minute efforts on the part of the U.S. to arrange a peace agreement involving Sihanouk ended in failure. When a vote in the U.S. Congress for a resumption of American air support failed, panic and a sense of doom pervaded the capital. The situation was best described by General Sak Sutsakhan (now FANK chief of staff):

"The picture of the Khmer Republic which came to mind at that time was one of a sick man who survived only by outside means and that, in its condition, the administration of medication, however efficient it might be, was probably of no further value."

On 12 April, concluding that all was lost (and without notifying the Khmer government), the U.S. evacuated its embassy personnel by helicopter during Operation Eagle Pull. The 276 evacuees included U.S. Ambassador John Gunther Dean, other American diplomatic personnel, Acting President Saukam Khoy , senior Khmer Republic government officials and their families, and members of the news media. In all, 82 U.S., 159 Cambodian, and 35 third-country nationals were evacuated. Although invited by Ambassador Dean to join the evacuation (and much to the Americans' surprise), Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, Long Boret, Lon Non (Lon Nol's brother), and most members of Lon Nol's cabinet declined the offer. All of them chose to share the fate of their people. Their names were not published on the death lists and many trusted the Khmer Rouge's assertions that former government officials would not be murdered, but would be welcome in helping rebuild a new Cambodia. Later, they were all executed by the Khmer Rouge.

After the Americans (and Saukam Khoy) had departed, a seven-member Supreme Committee, headed by General Sak Sutsakhan, assumed authority over the collapsing Republic. By 15 April, the last solid defenses of the city were overcome by the communists. In the early morning hours of 17 April, the committee decided to move the seat of government to Oddar Meanchay Province in the northwest. Around 10:00, the voice of General Mey Si Chan of the FANK general staff broadcast on the radio, ordering all FANK forces to cease firing, since "negotiations were in progress" for the surrender of Phnom Penh. The war was over but the terrible dreams of the Khmer Rouge were about to come to fruition in the newly-proclaimed Democratic Kampuchea. Khmer Rouge troops immediately began to forcibly empty the capital city, driving the population into the countryside and killing thousands in the process. The Year Zero had begun.

From Wikipedia

The site of Preah Khan Temple

The fourth enclosure wall bears 5m garudas holding nagas. Buddha images in the niches above were destroyed in the anti-Buddhist reaction of Jayavarman VIII.

The outer wall of Preah Khan is of laterite, and bears 72 garudas holding nagas, at 50 m intervals. Surrounded by a moat, it measures 800 by 700 m and encloses an area of 56 hectares (138 acres). To the east of Preah Khan is a landing stage on the edge of the Jayatataka baray, now dry, which measured 3.5 by 0.9 km. This also allowed access to the temple of Neak Pean in the centre of the baray. As usual Preah Khan is orientated toward the east, so this was the main entrance, but there are others at each of the cardinal points. Each entrance has a causeway over the moat with naga-carrying devas and asuras similar to those at Angkor Thom; Glaize considered this an indication that the city element of Preah Khan was more significant than those of Ta Prohm or Banteay Kdei.

Halfway along the path leading to the third enclosure, on the north side, is a House of Fire (or Dharmasala) similar to Ta Prohm's. The remainder of the fourth enclosure, now forested, was originally occupied by the city; as this was built of perishable materials it has not survived. The third enclosure wall is 200 by 175 m. In front of the third gopura is a cruciform terrace. The gopura itself is on a large scale, with three towers in the centre and two flanking pavilions. Between the southern two towers were two celebrated silk-cotton trees, of which Glaize wrote, "resting on the vault itself of the gallery, [they] frame its openings and brace the stones in substitute for pillars in a caprice of nature that is as fantastic as it is perilous." One of the trees is now dead, although the roots have been left in place. The trees may need to be removed to prevent their damaging the structure. On the far side of the temple, the third western gopura has pediments of a chess game and the Battle of Lanka, and two guardian dvarapalas to the west.

The purpose of this two-storeyed building with round columns is unknown.

West of the third eastern gopura, on the main axis is a Hall of Dancers. The walls are decorated with apsaras; Buddha images in niches above them were destroyed in the anti-Buddhist reaction under Jayavarman VIII. North of the Hall of Dancers is a two-storeyed structure with round columns. No other examples of this form survive at Angkor, although there are traces of similar buildings at Ta Prohm and Banteay Kdei. Freeman and Jacques speculate that this may have been a granary. Occupying the rest of the third enclosure are ponds (now dry) in each corner, and satellite temples to the north, south and west. While the main temple was Buddhist, these three are dedicated to Shiva, previous kings and queens, and Vishnu respectively. They are notable chiefly for their pediments: on the northern temple, Vishnu Reclining to the west and the Hindu trinity of Vishnu, Shiva and Brahma to the east; on the western temple, Krishna raising Mount Govardhana to the west.

Connecting the Hall of Dancers and the wall of the second enclosure is a courtyard containing two libraries. The second eastern gopura projects into this courtyard; it is one of the few Angkorian gopuras with significant internal decoration, with garudas on the corners of the cornices. Buddha images on the columns were changed into hermits under Jayavarman VIII.

Between the second enclosure wall (85 by 76 m) and the first enclosure wall (62 by 55 m) on the eastern side is a row of later additions which impede access and hide some of the original decoration. The first enclosure is, as Glaize said, similarly, "choked with more or less ruined buildings". The enclosure is divided into four parts by a cruciform gallery, each part almost filled by these later irregular additions. The walls of this gallery, and the interior of the central sanctuary, are covered with holes for the fixing of bronze plates which would originally have covered them and the outside of the sanctuary — 1500 tonnes was used to decorate the whole temple. At the centre of the temple, in place of the original statue of Lokesvara, is a stupa built several centuries after the temple's initial construction.